Jews”, a German from the authoritative spheres commented, “but men in their prime can still be exploited and they are still able to work, whereas the old and crippled are not only useless, but they also need to be fed”. Consequently, the following situation ensued: Jews could not leave their flats for many weeks (yet some were “combed” even out of flats), as they were either in danger of death or almost in danger of death – a labour camp. Irrespective of that, the Community was forced to deliver specific quotas of people.
Making matters worse, there were enormous difficulties connected with food provision. Because of its nature, communism paralysed and banned all free trade. Consequently, there were only state-owned shops, where one could buy only rationed products (and not even on a daily basis). One could only dream about buying something outside the framework of rations. The peasants took advantage of that situation, charging, for instance, a brand new pair of shoes for a litre of milk.
[13] When I was leaving Lvov, the people were talking about the possibility of the establishment of a ghetto, but that was postponed until 28 February 1942, who knows at what price.
The initial attitude of the Germans towards the Ukrainians was very good. It seemed that the dreams of “free Ukraine” were on the right track to becoming true, but after three weeks the Ukrainian municipal council was dissolved (Bandera,683 the murderer of Pieracki,684 was murdered on that occasion after having been brought here from the Reich) and all the key positions were filled with Reichsdeutschen.685 From then on the authorities relied predominantly on the Polish element.
While my return to Warsaw was abundant in far less dramatic moments than my journey to Lvov, it was far more dangerous.
